The Child Welfare System
It is widely agreed that good parenting comprises a safe, secure and stable environment in which children can develop to their full potential (Smith 2001). However, not all parents are able to offer such secure and stable environment for their children. For these children the state intervenes at times, through the legal system. Sometimes this entails removing the child from the parent's care and placing them in public care, with the state assuming overall responsibility for their upkeep. As 'corporate parent' the state aims to ensure that the day‐to‐day care of these children is satisfactory, including their education, health, social interaction, safety and all the things that children need and would get were they to live with a family. While in public care these children are either placed in foster care or residential care.

Prevalence and Experiences of Children in Public Care
Each year a substantial number of children enter public care systems around the world. There were 523,000 children, representing 7.2 per 1,000 of population under 17 years, in public care in the United States in 2003 (CTD 2005) and 61,100 children, representing 6.2 per 1000 of the population under 16 years (ONS 2001), in public care in England as at 2004 (DfES 2005). These children come from very diverse backgrounds with different cultures, ethnicities, needs, abilities and pre‐care histories (Biehal 1995). Most enter public care because they had or are likely to have suffered maltreatment (DOH 1991). They are also more likely to come from multiply disadvantaged backgrounds (Bebbington 1989). Once in public care, the deleterious experiences that these children encountered prior to their entry into public care do not necessarily end. They are more likely to be diagnosed as having emotional or behavioural problems (Meltzer 2003, ONS 2003), and to experience unstable care placements (Biehal 1992) and accompanying difficulties at school (Jackson 1998, OFSTED 1995,). A survey by the national office of statistics of England reported that 45 percent of children aged 5‐17 years in public care had been assessed as having a mental disorder (ONS 2003). Several studies have also catalogued the poor educational attainment of young people living in and leaving the care system (Courtney 1998, Cheung 1994, Jackson 1994, Garnett 1992, Barth 1990, Festinger 1983). The difficulties that these children experience at school do not only lessen their education attainments but, more importantly, deprive them of exposure to potential protective factors that they may need to help counter the adverse effects of unpleasant experiences in care (Rutter 1990).

Young People Leaving Care
Every year about 20,000 (USGAO 1999) and 10,000 (Garnett 1992) young people graduate from the care systems in the United States and Britain respectively, of whom a significant number emerge severely disadvantaged and ill prepared for adult life (Courtney 1998, Cheung 1994,Garnett 1992, Barth 1990,Festinger 1983). Studies indicate that a significant proportion of these young people do not possess the social, vocational, life skills and resources to succeed independently. Upon leaving care they are more likely to be homeless, unemployed, depend on public assistance, have poor physical and mental health, engage in risky health behaviours, or be involved with the criminal justice system (Courtney 2005, Courtney 2001, Maunders 1999, Cook 1994, Barnado's 1996, Barth 1990, Festinger 1983). Coupled with this plethora (can we have another word than envelope??) of unfavourable outcomes, many of these young people leave care with little, if any, social, emotional or financial support from their families compared to their peers in the general population, who typically also leave home later (Cashmore 1996, Morrow 1996, Courtney 1996). Of these young people leaving care, many of their families are unable to offer any sustained and substantial support that would benefit their transition from adolescence to adulthood. In recognition of the difficulties facing young people leaving care, legislation and policies have been enacted to help prepare them for adulthood. These include the John H Chafee Foster Care Independence Program of 1999 in the United States of America (NRCYD 2004) and the Children (Leaving Care) Act of 2000 in the United Kingdom (DOH 2001) .

Independent Living Programmes
Independent Living programmes (ILPs) were designed to provide young people leaving care with the skills that would help limit their disadvantage and to promote successful transition into adulthood. In the main, ILPs utilise social skills training techniques in teaching young people skills acquisition and performance. Social skills training techniques incorporate the use of instructions, modelling, role play and feedback and have been found to be effective in teaching skills acquisition and improving performance in both clinical and non clinical settings (Spence 1995). Skills taught include personal development skills such as communication skills, decision making, conflict resolution, anger management; and independent living skills like career exploration, job and interview skills, money management, household management, accessing housing, accessing legal issues, and accessing community resources (USGAO 1999, Cook 1994). Independent living programmes also provide educational and vocational support.

Programmes usually provide supervised living conditions under which young people can practise the skills they have learnt (Mauzerall 1983). Some authors have, however, criticised the over reliance on the acquisition of independent living skills as an inadequate preparation for young people leaving care and have advocated the inclusion of interpersonal and relationship training (Propp 2003, Courtney 1996). It is yet to be seen how this suggestion is incorporated into the programme.

Programmes are usually taught in groups, in diverse settings such as community centres, group homes, transition placements, and supervised practice placements, with individual support (mentoring and counselling) provided on one‐to‐one basis (Biehal 1995,Meston 1988). ILPS may also be delivered to young people living in independent tenancies. There may be variations in content, context and delivery of ILPs depending on the legislation or policy context in a particular country.

Notwithstanding the wide use of independent living programmes their effectiveness is unknown (USGAO 1999) and the extent to which the acquisition of independent living skills by young people leaving care is associated with easier transition to independent and self sufficient living remains uncertain. Some evidence suggests that such programmes may be successful in improving outcomes such as education, employment, housing, health and life skills for young people leaving care (Loman 2000, Mallon 1998, Scannapieco 1995, Biehal 1995), but this evidence is based on narrative reviews and non‐experimental studies.

This review aims systematically to determine the effectiveness of these independent living programmes in increasing the life chances of young people leaving care. Knowing the effectiveness of such programmes is important given the numerous challenges associated with living in and leaving public care.